The Eastern and Western Church, represented respectively by Gregory of Nazianzen and Augustine,
differ from each other in their concept of time. The traditional view of timeless eternity, suggested by Augustine, needs to be reconsidered. This paper proposes that the idea of divine temporality could better reflect the dynamics of the Trinitarian life. The changelessness
of God may be understood as his constancy that allows for his Being and Becoming. In the eternal constancy that is based in his divine life, God is not threatened by contingency, for life presupposes the in-gathering power that serves to hold the subject together in stable existence. Hence, God's Becoming is grounded in his Being.

In the discussion of divine temporality as the expression of dynamic eternity, the problem of actual infinity can be overcome by taking "instants" instead of "time intervals" as the basic ontological units. The problem of infinite recursion can therefore be avoided, and the
CGST Journa l No. 37 (2004.7) cardinality concept of Transfinite Number can be employed to tackle the issue of eternal boundlessness. It is shown that boundless eternity is just as real as continuum is infinite in the number of points it contains. As much as each instant is real, every present instant of God is inclusive of his past and embraces the future in the open. The meaning of the present, however, is not found in the present instant per se. It must be obtained by surveying the whole meaningful interval within the purview of present consciousness intuited by the conscious subject. On the basis of this, the eternity of God may be taken as one meaningful whole — of divine glory in communion.

In relation to the contemporary concepts of time, of which the Heideggerian view and the Tenseless theory are examples, Einstein's theory of relativity has made a profound impact on the furtherance of individualism. It also renders invalid the common belief of the vertical linkage between time and eternity as assumed by classical philosophers from Plato to Augustine. The author of this paper proposes, however, that God's dynamic eternity is concomitant with his divine life. It is his dynamic eternity that provides a foundational and structural framework for the creation to exist in historical time and space. Such a perspective is consistent with the Newtonian frame of absolute reference. The author also argues that H. A. Lorentz's interpretation of relativistic phenomena is more preferable to the verificationist version of Einstein's, as the later lacks a holistic view of the universe in his theory. The phenomenon of non-locality demonstrated by Bell's Theorem, as well as the cosmic isotropy shown in the uniformity of the Big Bang background radiation, all point to a universe of unity and simultaneity. In regard to space, it is suggested that the topological relation between objects remains constant while there is continual spatial extension in the expansion of the universe. The former is a logical relation, vertically linked to the foundational cosmic framework and is, in a God-ward orientation, akin to the act of prayer and worship directed vertically toward the Creator who is upholding this framework.

History occurs in the space and time of creation. It is, undoubtedly, superseded by and contained in eternity. But as each instant is real in history, simultaneity with God can be assumed. This can be seen in the divine-human encounters that have variously occurred, and not the least in the incarnation that once took place. History, comprising of countless contingent events, is nevertheless under God's guidance. In historical events, teleological value may be acquired, as acts pertaining to the eternal are taken or decisions of the same nature made. Therefore, in the succession of chronos, there lie plentiful opportunities of kairos that open up to the eternal. In this sense, historical events could bear eternal meaning. In the eschatological vision of biblical theology, the history of the universe will enter into eternity, for the incarnate Christ, who is eternal but has once entered into history, has made it possible for his redeemed people to share in the eternal life of God.

In 1633, Galileo was charged with promoting his "heretical" astronomical theory. Some scholars assert that this tragic case does not necessarily indicate conflict between religion and science. Rather, the conflict has to do with a battle between the Ptolemaic system and the Copernican system—nothing more than an intra-conflict among different scientific models. This article points out, however, that the challenge raised by Galileo has indeed pierced into the core of Catholic theology. By revealing the fact that heavenly objects are not immutable, Galileo shattered people's sense of security, which had formerly been based on the allegedly unchanging universal order. Furthermore, rationality in the form of mathematical reasoning, as upheld by Galileo, became a threat to the belief in divine revelation. The heart of the issue is, this clash signified an ongoing struggle between personal judgment and conventional opinion. Later on, Newtonian mechanics, which inherited the same spirit of Galileo's astronomy, also faced hostile criticism in England. By the same token, we can see that negative comments against Newtonian physics were brought up because of its the ological implications, which were interpreted as contradictory to the traditional theology of the Church of England.

T. F. Torrance is one of the leading exponents of theology in the English-speaking world. He was the first theologian to receive the Templeton Foundation Prize for Progress in Religion in 1978. This paper attempts to explore the contribution of Torrance in the field of theology and science. Torrance is aware of the paradigm shift in science. He rightly outlines the development of western science in three stages: the Greek essentialism, the dualism of Newtonian modern science, and the field theory of post-Einstein period.

Torrance points out that the difficulty of theological epistemology has to do mainly with the dualistic concepts of modern world, which prevailed from the 16th century to the 19th century. The problem of the dualistic model of Descartes's epistemology is that the mind and matter are split apart, and divided. The difficulty of Newton's dualism lies in its conception of the universe as a closed and rigidly mechanical system, in which there is no way for man and the universe to communicate. The crucial question in regard to the relation of God and the world is, in the dualistic system, how God and the material universe can be connected. Since time and space are absolute in the Newtonian system, every particle of space is eternal, and every indivisible moment of duration is, everywhere. So, God may be regarded as identical with infinite space and time. On the other hand, if God is treated as independent of the universe, and the universe is held as an eternal mechanical system, then God would in no way be affected by the physical reality, and vice versa.

According to Torrance, the field theory of James Clerk Maxwell can provide us with an integrated concept to deal with theology and science. Einstein is another key person who replaces dualism with a new theory, the theory of relativity. With the understanding provided by the field theory and the theory of relativity, form and being can be more realistically related. Then, the quantum theory challenges us to re-consider the concept of realism in the universe. As a critical realist, Torrance shows us that thinking should be done in accord with the intrastructure of the objective world, and thinking should affect the object as well. Mind and matter can be integrated, for they are mutually related. In the interest of theology and by implication of the above, God and the world are not detached from each other. Events such as incarnation and the other activities of God are all possible, in this newly proposed world view.

Motivated by the neglect of reflection on financial investment activities carried out among members of the Christian community, this paper attempts to introduce a new perspective to this very practical and important topic. It does not aim at a comprehensive treatment of the multifaceted subject matter. Instead, it focuses on the spiritual challenges that investors, as market participants, often encounter, and as such it is a detour of the traditional ethical debate.

At the heart of the issue is a fundamental antagonism between the biblical notion of "anticipa tion" and the financial notion of "present value." The paper begins its analysis with a brief exposition on investment as a kind of economic work, for which a proper asset relationship is required. It further points out a spiritual dimension to the subject, namely, that engagement in investment should be viewed as a sanctification process, in which the need for steadfastness and anticipation has to be stressed.

The paper then proceeds to demonstrate how, in today's investment environment, this antagonism gets intensified because of market development, which is characterized by transaction cost reduction, and, subsequently, gives rise to the spiritual challenges we face. Although institutional factors are to be blamed for causing demise of our steadfastness, the ultimate responsibility lies with the individual who is free in the making of choices.

In the final section of the paper, the mottoes now popularly used as Christian guidelines on investment activities are considered merely partial truths in reference to the asset relationship framework. It is noted that the foregoing discussions imply the significance of building up "fundamental analysis" in investment, and, when investment is made on such a solid ground, it can be practiced with steadfastness and anticipation and can be seen as part of the sanctification process. As a corollary, therefore, the paper calls for a discernment of the distinction between the roles of professional investors and non-professional individuals, and suggests that the latter leave it to the former to do the work.

On the basis of the fact that Protestant clerics are allowed to marry while Roman Catholic priests have to remain celibates, it has been suggested that the reformers have lowered the moral standard of the medieval church. To argue against this, this article examines the sexual liberation that occurred during the Reformation in the sixteenth-century, and seeks to affirm the reformers' achievement in bringing about moral renewal to their contemporaries.

There are three main sections in the article. The first is entitled "The pursuit of ideal religious exemplars." By looking at the ascetic thoughts of the fathers, the rapid growth of monasticism, and the many official constraints on the priests, the author shows that the ideal of celibacy had long been over-heightened through the centuries prior to the Reformation. The medieval church persistently followed the tradition of the fathers and rejected all attempts of modification. As a result, the ideal of celibacy had far deviated from the teaching of the Scriptures.

The second section explores the moral situation in medieval times, which was a contradiction to what the church ordinances were meant to head for, even though they were strictly imposed. For this, the article looks at the factual aspects of medieval life rather than its conceptual beliefs. From the vogue for concubines among priests and the popularity of prostitution in Europe, the author concludes that the moral standard at that time was extremely low. There was a big gap between the ideal of the church, for which celibacys tood, and the parishioners' sexual morality. It was as if the heavenly belief and the earthly life had gone totally apart and found no way to meet.

On the above basis, the author argues in the third section that, by allowing the clerics to marry, the reformers did not at all worsen the sexual morality of the medieval. What they had actually done was to harmonize the church's ideal and the parishioner's morality with marriage. By pointing out that marriage was not inferior to celibacy, they made priestly life more realistic and gave cure to debauchery. It is marriage that the Christian faith permits, not concubinage or prostitution, and, as can be shown in the Scriptures, an approved lifestyle should entail proper gratification of and restraint on human sexual desires. As the reformers took issue with sexual activities that were not approved by the Scriptures, the overall moral situation was improved. It can be concluded, therefore, that the Reformation was not a direct cause of the modern laxity on sex, and that the Protestant standard on the issue of sex is by no means lower than that of the Catholics.

The October Revolution in 1917 marked the beginning of about 70 years of unprecedented religious persecution in Russia. During the rule of Lenin and Stalin in the 1920s and 30s, many of the Russian Orthodox clergy and lay believers were persecuted and a vast number of churches, monasteries, and seminaries were closed down. But during and after the Second World War, because of the more lenient religious policy of the post-War Stalin, the church managed to somewhat recuperate, until persecution broke out again with renewed force when the third Soviet leader, Nikita Khrushchev, rose to power in 1957. Under Khrushchev's regime, the number of churches and clergymen nearly halved within the relatively short period of 1957–64. This paper studies the motivations and methods of Khrushchev's persecution, the response of the church and local clergy to the persecution, and the effect of the persecution on the believers.

Khrushchev's renewed religious persecution was prompted by his eagerness to establish himself as the strong man of the Soviet State, to revitalize the Marxist ideal, and to hasten the realization of the utopian communist society. His methods of persecution included: 1) strictly enforcing the existing religious policy enacted in 1929; 2) propagandizing atheism; 3) harassing believers and coercing them into apostasy; 4) denigrating the clergy and believers; 5) increasing taxation on the clergy and church income; and 6) closing down churches tactically. The church made an initial attempt to resist by denouncing the government's action in 1960 through a public speech made by Patriach Alexis. But resistance was quickly silenced with the dismissal of Metropolitan Nikolai who drafted the speech. Thereafter, the church leadership became rather cooperative with the government. The local clergy also appeared to be compliant, except for a few protests. In the meanwhile, the more devout of religious activities were driven underground by severe persecution.

Despite severe persecution, the Christian faith was never extinguished in Russia. Some, the young intelligentsia especially, adopted the faith through selfstudying and reflection. Many believers stood up for resistance against the demolition of churches and monasteries. The Pochaev monastery in Ukraine was an example of success, thanks to the strife of local believers
and overseas protesters. Many continued to put their belief in practice, in underground organizations such as the True Orthodox Church and the True Orthodox Christians. Prisons and labour camps, taking in the clergy and believers, became nurturing centres and even "seminaries" for Russian Orthodoxy. Some scholars consider the existence of underground religious activities the reason why the government never annihilated the open church. Whether the government could like the open church or not, that church was at least visible. The underground churches, however, were out of government control.

In comparison with the Catholic Church in Poland and the Lutheran Church in East Germany, the Russian Orthodox Church was more acquiescent under communist rule. It was so probably because the Russian Orthodox Church had long been closely linked with the government in Russian history, and so its tendency was to remain submissive under the communist government. Besides, the emphasis of the Russian Orthodox tradition was more on liturgy than on proselytism or theological reflections, and so believers, as long as they were allowed to continue with the liturgy, might somehow find persecutions more tolerable . Furthermore, the Russian Church was not related to overseas churches in any particular way, and, the lack of outside support at this time left them with no choice but to be more cooperative.

From the Khrushchev experience, we may gather that the resistance of lay believers and the existence of underground churches can, to a certain degree, influence the religious policies of a hostile government. The practicing of and believing in some forms of religion is a phenomenon that can never be extinguished, not even under severe persecution. Yet, the church should never take for granted the freedom given to Christianity; but ought to make the most of every opportunity to testify for Christ in the world.