Abstracts of CGST JOURNAL Issue No.23 July 1997

Civic Awareness and National Identity:
The Experience of Hong Kong People during the Late-transitional Period (An abstract)
Ka-ying Wong

The Call for Patriotism and the Reaction of Hong Kong People
An Observation from 1982 to 1984 (An abstract)
Siu-lun Lau

Hong Kong Chinese and China:
He Qi 1859-1914) and Hu Liyuan (1847-1916) as Case Study (An abstract)
Kam-keung Lee

The Identity of Hong Kong Church and Her Gospel Mission for China after 1997
( An abstract )
Ka-lun Leung

Conflicts and Resolutions between the Leaders of the Returnees and the Leaders of Judah in the Persian Period (An abstract)
Wallace Louie

National Identity and the Response of the Church - Hong Kong 1997
(An abstract)
Kang Phee Seng @ Jiang Pisheng

Identity and Commitment beyond 1997: The Responsibility of the Church
(An abstract)
Carver T. Yu

 

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Civic Awareness and National Identity:
The Experience of Hong Kong People during the Late-transitional Period
(An abstract)

Ka-ying Wong
Research Officer
Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies
The Chinese University of Hong Kong

¡@ ¡@ This study looks into the issue of civic awareness and national identity of Hong Kong people during the late-transitional period by means of telephone interviews and examines the relationship between these two through correlation analysis. The findings show that Hong Kong people exhibit unique characteristics on civic awareness. Though they have a fairly good understanding of civic rights and obligations, their particular emphasis is on freedom. They look positively at their abilities and democratic elections, yet they feel rather negative and helpless about political figures and the current political situation in Hong Kong. They are concerned with current affairs and social development but are reluctant to take concrete actions in social and political activities. As far as the question of national identity is concerned, the picture Hong Kong people present is also a complex one. On the one hand, they are quite affirmative about the Chinese tradition and culture and are willing to help in China's development and to gain better understanding of China as well as embracing the 1997 handover of sovereignty to China. On the other hand, they have reservations on the Chinese government and China's political situation. They tend to look at China from their own Hong Kong perspective. This complex picture shows that, to some extent, people in Hong Kong would rather identify themselves with the nation than with the state. In addition, the relationship between their civic awareness and their national identity is quite intricate. Their awareness of freedom and autonomy and their discontent towards the political situation in Hong Kong have a negative impact on their identity with the nation. Nevertheless, such negative impact has not led them to denounce their Chinese identity. On the contrary, those who show a higher degree of awareness on freedom and autonomy also stress the need in Hong Kong for improving education on national identity. This indicates that the growth of civic awareness has bestowed the people in Hong Kong a more rational and practical insight into issues relating to the nation or the state without creating disorientation in their national identity.

The Call for Patriotism and the Reaction of Hong Kong People
An Observation from 1982 to 1984
(An abstract)

Siu-lun Lau
Assistant Research Officer
China Graduate School of Theology

¡@ ¡@ By reviewing the public archives from 1982 to 1984, this paper attempts to explore the significance of the call for patriotism by the Chinese government and the reaction of the Hong Kong people at that period. According to the author, whether the Christian community is able to remain free from dissension and the feeling of helplessness depends a great deal on a proper understanding of the slogan "Love China, Love Hong Kong". It is in light of this understanding that a full picture of such advocacy by China, their backgrounds as well as the people's response during those three critical years is presented.

¡@ ¡@ Concentrating on the years 1982 to 1984, this paper goes on to analyze why China deemed at that period that Hong Kong should be governed by "the patriotic", and how Hong Kong people reacted to the return of sovereignty to China. It was believed that patriotism was not the only important consideration for both parties. China wanted to ensure that she could assert her sovereign power effectively, and that Hong Kong would pose no threat to the mainland China government. However, it was bound to be arbitrary in determining who were "the patriotic", and this caused disputes.

¡@ ¡@ Apart from this, the reaction of Hong Kong people to the Chinese government's appeal to "patriotism" revealed the internal dissension among Hong Kong people on the issue of political and public policy reform. Those opposing the return of sovereignty had more reservations about the implementation of democratic reform and redistribution of income in any form. On the other hand, those in support of the return of sovereignty demanded democratic reform and public policy reform with the aim of looking after the interest of the low income groups.

¡@ ¡@ It is concluded that the strategies of China in the late transitional period has its roots in 1982. The reaction of Hong Kong people to the above strategies can also be dated back to the period from 1982 to 1984. The author proposes that the unresolved problems between China and Hong Kong, and the internal dissension among Hong Kong people are the core issues, whether political leaders changed their political stances or not is derived phenomenon only. As for the Christian community, the author warns against a black-and-white mentality. Instead of hastily identifying with one or the other political party, what is more urgent and challenging for the Church to work on is, perhaps, a timely message of healing and reconciliation for China, the mother country and Hong Kong, the long-departed daughter.

Hong Kong Chinese and China:
He Qi (1859-1914) and Hu Liyuan (1847-1916) as Case Study
(An abstract)

Kam-keung Lee
Associate Professor
Department of Histroy
Hong Kong Baptist University

¡@ ¡@ Since Hong Kong became a British Colony in 1841, the British political and cultural systems had gradually been transplanted here. At the same time, with the influx of a great number of mainland Chinese, the Chinese way of life also found its roots in the Colony. Hong Kong has thus become a meeting place of Chinese and western cultures.

¡@ ¡@ In the latter half of the 19th Century, there emerged in Hong Kong a group of Chinese elite who witnessed the weakening of China under western invasion. Though most were English-educated, they, as Chinese, were concerned about the destiny of their mother country. Among the first of those who took action to save the country were He Qi (Ho Kai) and Hu Liyuan who, through joint writings, advocated reforms. They were the first Chinese in Hong Kong who identified themselves with China and suggested solutions for the country's crisis. Politically, they recommended the system of constitutional monarchy. Economically, they advocated commercialism and industrialization. Educationally, they believed that western learning was important for the country's future. He and Hu were recognized as reformers in the intellectual history of Modern China.

¡@ ¡@ This article, focusing on the life history and reform ideas of He and Hu, attempts to illustrate how the Hong Kong Chinese identified themselves with their mother country in as early as the late 19th century.

 

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The Identity of Hong Kong Church and Her Gospel Mission for China after 1997
( An abstract )

Ka-lun Leung
Vice-President (Academic Affairs)
Director of Christianity and Chinese Culture and Research Centre
Alliance Bible Seminary

¡@ ¡@ The churches in Hong Kong are part of the churches in mainland China after the 1997 Handover. The churches of Hong Kong must shoulder the responsibility of evangelizing the mainlanders as an integral part of the churches on the mainland.

¡@ ¡@ Hong Kong churches have been participating in the ministries of the mainland churches as an outsider, especially at times of national crises. These efforts have reaped fruitful results. The churches on the mainland are now entering a time of rebuilding. Only as an integral part of the mainland churches are the churches of Hong Kong able and entitled to participate in the rebuilding. It is no longer possible for Hong Kong churches to develop Chinese ministries with a mission mind-set. In the same vein, they should also redefine their roles in overseas Chinese missions. As a matter of fact, the future of Hong Kong churches are meshed with that of the mainland churches. How the Hong Kong churches defines their identity will surely affect the orientation of their ministries and vice versa.

Conflicts and Resolutions between the Leaders of the Returnees and the Leaders of Judah in the Persian Period
(An abstract)

Wallace Louie
Associate Professor
China Graduate School of Theology

¡@ ¡@ Between the Sixth and Fifth Century B.C., Israelites who were living in Persia were allowed to return to their homeland. Under the leadership of Zerubbabel, Ezra and Nehemiah, the generations of the exile returned with the hope of implementing religious reform and rebuilding Jerusalem. However, their enthusiasm was met with strong oppositions from the local leaders in the region beyond the River. The leaders of the returnees perhaps underestimated the cultural, political and religious differences between the two groups after more than 70 years of separate development. This article attempts to identify the various conflicts and resolutions between the leaders of these two groups as they embarked toward unification.

¡@ ¡@ The returnees were economically better off than the people in the land. Nehemiah was appointed governor of Judah by the King of Persia when he led a group of returnees to Jerusalem. As the Israelites were rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem under the order of Nehemiah, many of the workers remained on site day and night to defend against a possible sabotage by the enemies. Because of that, they had no income to support their family. Some have mortgaged their land and others borrowed money in order to secure food for their family. Local leaders took advantage of the situation and charged outrageous interest for their loans. Nehemiah admonished the local leaders that they were ethically unjust and religiously without the fear of God. He also admitted that he and the leaders of the returnees also charged interest in their loans. He called for both groups to repent.

¡@ ¡@ According to the Old Testament writers, the Israelites were exiled for breaking the laws of God. Because of that, some of the Israelites became strong adherents to the Mosaic Law. The returnees were more stringent than the people of the land in Sabbath observance, intermarriage with foreigners, allowing foreigners into the temple area, etc. In light of their apparent compromise, the leaders of the returnees used the Torah to admonish the local leaders and the people of the land.

¡@ ¡@ As the returnees began their religious reforms and building projects, some of the local leaders accused them of plotting to overthrow the rule of the Persians. However, the leaders of the returnees encouraged the workers to continue their task and appealed to their rights to rebuild according to the order of the King. In response to the accusation of the enemies, their actions were always within the boundary of the Persian law.

¡@ ¡@ There are differences and similarities between the current situation in Hong Kong and the return of the Israelites to their homeland in the Persian period. However, there are several implications we could glean from the conflicts and resolutions between the leaders of the returnees and the leaders of Judah in that period. First, we should be prepared for a long period of adjustments as Hong Kong has been under British colonial rule for over 150 years and developed quite differently as compared to their kinsmen in the mainland. Conflicts are inevitable and it will continue until the two people are thoroughly integrated. Secondly, the returnees in the Persian period refused to compromise and tenaciously pursued a lawful resolution in the period of conflicts. Perhaps this should be a guiding principle for us as Hong Kong becomes a Special Administrative Region. Thirdly, the life of reliance on and commitment to God that characterized the leaders of the returnees should challenge us Christians to pray and seek the mind of Christ as we face conflicts.

National Identity and the Response of the Church - Hong Kong 1997
(An abstract)

Kang Phee Seng @ Jiang Pisheng
Associate Professor
Department of Religion and Philosophy
Hong Kong Baptist University

¡@ ¡@ On the verge of the return of sovereignty to China, Hong Kong people's sense of national identity, or identity with mainland China, is sorely tested. Amongst other incidents, this was reflected in the strongly negative response a group of Hong Kong church leaders received from members when they tried to organize some Chinese National Day celebration activities last year.

¡@ ¡@ The Chinese in Hong Kong have never denied their Chinese identity. They have always considered themselves Chinese (Zhongguo ren) under the British rule. Their Chinese identity has been based on historical and cultural affinity. But come July 1997, the question of national identity begins to pose problems. Several factors contributing to the general lack of enthusiasm to resuming full national identity are observed and discussed.

¡@ ¡@ This article argues that national identity can neither be based on a simple judicial definition nor on a timeless event. It cannot be constructed in a purely objective, external and passive manner. It must also involve the subjective, autonomous and participatory dimensions. The meaning and construction of national identity is realized through interaction, negotiation and participation in a socio-historical process. The alienation between the nation and her citizens which is the root of the problem of national identity cannot be eliminated simply by judicial, temporal or spiritual means. The Church, in her solidarity with the people of Hong Kong, should respect their feelings and choice, and should be critical of any theology which is but nationalism or ethnic aspirations in disguise.

¡@ ¡@ This article further argues that the national identity of Hong Kong People depends very much upon the trustworthiness and determination of Chinese government in implementing the constitutional 'one country, two systems'. Full Chinese national identity may be witnessed in Hong Kong only if Hong Kong's autonomy and integrity can be preserved under the new Chinese sovereignty. In her concern for the lack of sense of national identity of Hong Kong people, the Church should also be committed to the spirit and practice of 'one county, two systems'.

Identity and Commitment beyond 1997: The Responsibility of the Church
(An abstract)

Carver T. Yu
Vice President
China Graduate School of Theology

¡@ ¡@ Under colonial rule that demanded and promoted submissiveness and political quiescence, with little structural channels for any political and social involvement, the people of Hong Kong had for a long time found it difficult to develop a clear sense of communal identity as their commitment to the community did not always find recognized ways for expression. They were therefore used to political passivity and indifference.

¡@ ¡@ The negotiation between Britain and China concerning the future of Hong Kong aggravated the sense of helplessness, for in the whole process the people of Hong Kong were excluded. They were given no role to play in deciding their own future. The event of June 4 exacerbated the sense of helplessness, fear and mistrust. Identification with China remains a predicament.

¡@ ¡@ Polish theologian Halina Dabrowska-Bortnowska's article "Civil Society and the Role of the Church in Poland" is highly relevant to our context and the problems we face in regard to identity and commitment. According to her, there was a widespread sense of helplessness among the people in Poland. Being excluded from participation, they had developed an ethos of quiet passivity. There was widespread mistrust and a sense of innocence. They saw themselves as victim, and they could not be held responsible to the conditions in society. They not only became defensive but also egocentric, caring only for their own selves. The challenge to the Church of Poland was to help the people to come out of the trap of such a negative psychological orientation. The people needed comforting, and they also needed a vision for the future. The church can provide a network for solidarity as well as the spiritual challenge to live responsibly as a human person even in severe limitation and hardship.

¡@ ¡@ The experience of the church in Poland is very illuminating to the church in Hong Kong. The people in Hong Kong seem to have very similar social psychology which we need to deal with in order to move forward. The church needs to help the people in Hong Kong to resolve the ambiguity in regard to their identification with and commitment to Hong Kong and China.

¡@ ¡@ The church needs to develop a theological framework for pastoral action in such a context. Two theological themes 'Incarnation and Hope' seem to be highly relevant. Incarnation reveals God's unrelenting identification with man, man under His judgment. Crucifixion points to God's rejection of man, yet even in the very rejection of man, God is there with man. Resurrection shows that judgment does not have the last word. God is ultimately committed to the renewal of man. The theological theme of hope unravels the meaning of time in the structure of reality. From promise to fulfillment, there is a temporal distance. Faith finds its reality in this temporal distance. The dialectics of hope brings the judgment of the present and anticipation for the future together. The tension between the present and the future constitutes the dynamics of history. Looking at the recent political development in China, we see a continual change from totalitarian communism to autocratic socialism which is open for the possibility of democratic socialism. The church needs to ask herself in what way she can participate in this process of change.

 

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Last Updated: February 10, 1999.